Abstract
The 1968 student crisis in France was the symptom
of a rampant moral and intellectual disease; for the European
universities were no longer adapted to meet the necessities of
the societies that had invented them. In point of fact, the
etymon of the term “university” is the mediaeval Latin word
universitas, i.e. the erroneous
translation of the Greek term encyclopaedia; and
encyclopaedia means a general, advanced education capable of
giving rise to the homo universalis. These homines
universales were regarded as the natural leaders of
traditional, hierarchically organized societies as were those
before the French Enlightenment. Therefore, the very issue which
the 1968 crisis raised was the one tackled as early as the 19th
century mainly in France and Russia: Does a modern European
society need universities or highly specialized schools? The
time now seems ripe to opt for the second solution.
Keywords:
Universities – 1968 uprising – hierarchical societies – Greek
Church -Sublime Porte- Walachia and Moldavia
Introduction
Above the main entrance of a famous university, in
Spain, there is an eloquent Greek inscription which reads as
follows: “The Kings to the Encyclopaedia. The
Encyclopaedia to the Kings”. The sovereigns in
question are Ferdinand and Isabel, i.e. the famous “Catholic
Kings”. So, the very term “encyclopaedia” might be
considered to be an enigma; but it is not, because this word was
the one initially used for to-day’s expression “university”.
As a matter of fact, the term “university”, which
derives from the Latin universitas, is no more than an
unsuccessful translation of the Greek term “encyclopaedia”; for
“encyclopaedia” has – but from a merely
intellectual point of view - the same meaning as universitas.
The latter expresses generally the idea of a “whole”, whereas
the former expresses a “whole” but a specified one; in other
words a complete education. The distortion of the term
encyclopaedia’s meaning during the Age of Enlightenment (and
mainly through the French language) must not thereby allow its
essential significance to fall into oblivion.
In brief, encyclopaedia/university
means the place where a human being is able to acquire a
complete education in order to have an adamantine character and
succeed in becoming a homo universalis.
Nonetheless, the question that emerges after this clarification
is: Why so? The answer is simple: so as to equip one to become a
top civil servant or a well-paid lawyer. This is at least my
summing-up of the study of the history of the (so – to – speak)
‘early universities’, both ancient and mediaeval.
It was the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius (161–180 AD)
who established the first university of Europe in Athens. His
idea was clear-cut: philosophy could provide the means of
governing human beings. So, he created a university consisting
of two “Schools”, i.e. a Philosophic and a Sophistic one. In the
former the four main streams of ancient thinking were taught;
namely, the Platonism, the Aristotelianism, the Stoicism and the
Epicurianism. Students of both Schools, however, were provided
with elements of History, Mathematics and Medicine. The
professors received a regular (and high) salary from the
emperor’s treasury;
nonetheless, the students had to pay fees for their tuition; and
after having covered the curriculum, they could apply for
high–ranking posts within the government apparatus.
As a result, Athens became the intellectual and, in some
respects, the spiritual centre of the empire; while Rome was
and, of course, remained the administrative one. In other words,
it was quite natural for the emperor Decius to make as early as
the mid-third century the famous statement: “I would prefer to
have in Rome another emperor rather than the Pope”;
for the Christian Church was so rich and influential in the
Eternal City as to covet already the imperial power.
Nonetheless, the situation was quite different in Athens.
Because of the university’s existence, the Christian religion
could never achieve real progress in Attica and, generally
speaking, the whole of Greece. Greek philosophers and sophists,
in fact, persisted in professing paganism as late as the 6th
century; thus the emperor Justinian I the Great (527–565) was
compelled to impose Christianity on Athens through an
edict: he simply stopped the pay of the university professors;
therefore the university was closed down, and the ‘academics’
emigrated. The significance of this story is not at all an
‘occult’ one: the university is the stronghold of the State
ideology;
and if the State succumbs, so does the university.
Christians, in fact, were not allowed to
teach in the university of the pagan Roman empire; as a
corollary, Athens university would be abolished once the
imperial authority converted to Christianity. Another university
must educate the higher civil servants of the renovated empire;
and as a matter of fact, one had already been established during
the first half of the 5th century.
II
The role of the universities as the means of
elaboration and the propagation of an official ideology were
emphasized in the Middle-Ages, the era of their proliferation
throughout Central and Western Europe. In a continent where the
nation was by no means recognized as an essential ‘form’ of the
State and at a time when the Roman Pope was regarded as the
‘supreme’ sovereign, it sounds logical enough that the
universities under the aegis of the spiritual authority should
elaborate church doctrine and produce ecclesiastics.
As a matter of fact, the universities were, initially, nothing
more than clerical brotherhoods.
Nonetheless, it was then that the real problem of academic life
emerged: Are research and reasoning compatible with the
universities’ function as means of elaboration and propagation
of a given ideology? If they are, how can authority ‘oust’
subversive ideas or findings? And if they are not, how can
society rid itself of this strange contradiction?
In point of fact, this is the key not merely to the
academic life but to intellectual one as a whole; and, strangely
enough, this tricky issue was handled better in the Middle- Ages
that it has been in our time. The new ideas and concepts were
then sorted out and, if proved powerful enough, incorporated in
the ideological mainstream. The harmonization of Aristotelian
thought with the Christian notion of the world achieved by Saint
Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) was a masterly – and risky –
intellectual pirouette.
Nonetheless, several centuries later in several parts of Europe
an obvious gap had opened up between State ideology and academic
thought; the universities lost therefore their efficiency and
the very problem they constitute fully emerged. The first signs
of this gap were seen in Germany and Austria after the fall of
Napoleon and the collapse of the French Empire. The student
bodies wanted a national Germanic kingdom, i.e. a united
Germany, but this aim was in stark contrast to the interests of
the dynasties ruling the then large number of German states. The
patent antithesis brought about assassinations, oppressive
measures, establishment of police régimes and so on and so
forth. Nonetheless the problem was now perfectly clear. If the
universities’ “task is to supply the country with civil
servants, administrators and technologists”,
what calibre of “civil servants” and “administrators”
would the German universities supply to the dynastic states of
which Germany was then made up?
The root of the 1968 uprising in Paris is to be found
in this very problem: Where are the limits between so-called
‘academic liberty’ and State needs? For the universities must be
“more or less closely correlated to national needs”.
Nonetheless, given that this criterion is somewhat vague, the
problem may be couched in another way: Where are the limits of
knowledge to be found? And moreover who is empowered to fix such
limits?
Strangely enough, an answer to this crucial dilemma
is provided by Ottoman History. As a matter of fact, in the late
16th and the early 17th centuries, the
university of Padua in Italy was very popular among the
influential strata of Greek society; and given that this city
was then included in the territory of the “Most Serene Republic
of Venice”, Orthodox Christians from the Venetian dominions
either in the Archipelago or the Ionian Sea wished to study
there – and eventually they did. One among them was Cyril Lucar,
from Candia, the future patriarch of Constantinople; another was
a certain Theophilus Corydalleus,
an obscure clergyman but a notorious philosopher. Nonetheless,
the ideological mainstream in Padua at that time was
Neo-Aristotelianism, as professed by Cesare Cremonini, a
materialist theoretician. So, when the “Patriarchal Academy”,
i.e. a quasi-university, was established in the Ottoman capital,
Corydalleus was put at its head; as a result, thanks to the
approbation of the Greek–Orthodox Church, materialism began to
spread throughout the Balkan peninsula.
To study how and why materialism could be taught by a
Christian Church would be beyond the scope of this paper. The
point is, however, that materialism was transplanted from the
capital to the Danubian Principalities, Walachia and Moldavia,
thanks to the Phanariots on whom – from the second decade of the
18th century – the administration of these lands was
bestowed by the Sublime Porte. In other words, because of the
curricula of the Academies that, on the model of the Patriarchal
one, were established in the Danubian Principalities,
materialism became the official ideology of an important part of
the South – East of Europe.
Of course this was all but contrary to any concept of ‘national
interest’ or ‘national will’. And as could easily be foreseen,
this had a fatal impact on the evolution of the Romanian people.
The case of the Patriarchal
Academy illustrates the very problem of the universities in the
Modern Era, namely: What is the raison d’être for young people
to receive higher education? In order to become top clerks in an
ecclesiastical or state apparatus? And what if they profess an
ideology contrary to that of the apparatus they are supposed to
serve? In Greece, for instance, during the 1920’s and the
1930’s, the university of Athens was the main cradle of Marxism,
whereas the Republic and (from 1935 on) the Kingdom were based
on idealistic conceptions of social and national life.
This is why the French and the Russian experience can provide
solutions to this problem valid even to-day.
In France, under the Third and the Fifth Republics it
was decided that specialized civil servants would be educated
–and trained- in the so-called Grandes Écoles: numerus
clausus and therefore competition and an austere way of
life guaranteed that people with a degree from those Schools
would be highly qualified civil servants – and, needless to say,
faithful to the government they were going to serve. The
universities, on the other hand, were practically open to
everybody; nonetheless it was doubtful whether young people with
a ‘typical’ university degree would be able to find a job in the
civil service; moreover, if they were able to find one, it
remained doubtful whether they could hold it down till the end
of their active life. The 1968 riots in Paris brought out this
fact, and the very strict examination system was abolished;
therefore the gates of unemployment swung open for the youth of
the country. In the imperial Russia moreover years of
discussions took place on what system of higher education should
be established. The monarchists proposed ‘Institutes’,
approximately close up to the French Grandes
Écoles
but with an even stricter system
of education and way of life. The liberals, on the other hand,
wished universities run more or less along the lines of the
Western ones. The latter prevailed; and as could easily be
foreseen, a large number of students turned into enemies of the
monarchy until finally they proved able to undermine it.
Conclusion
May the following serve as a
conclusion to this brief historical analysis: The university is
a mediaeval institution; and its roots can be traced back to
Antiquity, during which the Middle-Ages were being forged.
Therefore is doubtful whether the university, as an educational
institution of primary importance, is able to serve the needs of
the New Era. Why? First of all, because its function presupposes
not only a vast imperial, oecumenical statehood but also a full
conformity between the burgeoning student and scholar growing up
on campus and government needs. If there is a gap between the
very ideology on which statehood is based – and the ideas
professed in the university – the result is social conflict and
eventually the partial or total collapse of a country: De
Gaulle’s fall in 1969 and the 1975 American army’s defeat in
Vietnam might well be considered to be two typical cases. In
other words, the university exists for the nation or, more
conclusively, the Faith; and by no means do the country and
religion exist for the university.
In the views of many, we are all fuelling the
nations’ eclipse; nonetheless the global state that is supposed
to be created will not be (if such an experiment proves
successful) a unified one. Unification presupposes a common
language, and a common faith, and eventually a common way of
life. To-day it is doubtful whether the majority of universities
meet the virtual needs of society; in other words, they
practically constitute a world apart. Thanks to the grants given
them by governments, in most cases they live in ‘brilliant
isolation’, the result of which is arrogance, absurdity, and
sometimes madness…And last but not least, they feed unemployment
– the Damoclean sword of our Western world. With the exception
of a few universities in Russia and America, it is very
difficult to assert that research is going on as it was thirty
years ago. In short, the universities, as far as the Western
World is concerned, lead society no more. On the contrary, they
prove to be demorilizing, debilitating factors; therefore it is
time once more to recall that the function of universities is to
serve the society.
What should be done? I think the following:
a)
First of all, the abolition of the notorious ‘academic
asylum’. In point of fact, such was fully established in the 19th
century, mainly in the German universities, in order to
provide protection for students and teachers struggling for a
national identity. To-day, the universities are, in the main
majority, openly hostile not merely to nationalism but to
nationhood as a whole. Therefore, the prohibition placed on the
police from entering campuses, is in our time, nothing more than
a pretext to make the trafficking in drugs easier and put an
official stamp on the implementation of absurdities.
b)
Instead of so-called ‘academic freedom’, a stricter
connection should be established between the higher educational
system and the national government. And from this point of view
the –usual- confusion between government and administration must
be avoided. European or, generally speaking, supra-national
directives must be channeled through national governments and by
no means directly to universities.
c)
The proliferation of institutes providing a highly
specialized education is recommended. In fact, to-day the
mediaeval, hierarchical society exists only in the United
Kingdom; that is why the universities of Oxford and Cambridge
prosper even now. Throughout the rest of Europe any kind of
hierarchical society has disappeared; as a result, keeping
higher education in the same tracks as six centuries ago simply
does not make sense. As far as we can see, society in our time
needs highly specialized people with a good humanistic education
as well. We need people who not only can do things, i.e. act,
but who are able to have an overview of the society they live
in.
These are the first measures to be taken in order to
achieve the synchronization of higher education with social
life. Nonetheless, this is a debate about to open now; and a lot
of ideas must be mulled and discussed before proceeding to a
virtual reformation.